What are the risks and benefits of using cryptocurrency for payments?  PHL17.com
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Afghan officials say 58 Pakistani soldiers killed while Pakistan says 200 Taliban and affiliated ‘terrorists’ dead in border clashes.
By Yashraj Sharma and Abid Hussain
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Pakistani and Afghan forces have exchanged deadly fire at multiple locations along their border, and the two sides claim to have captured and destroyed border posts in one of the worst border clashes in recent years.
The Taliban administration’s spokesman, Zabihullah Mujahid, said at least 58 Pakistani soldiers were killed in “retaliatory” attacks on Saturday night, two days after blasts were reported in the Afghan capital, Kabul, and the southeastern province of Paktika.

The Pakistani military admitted 23 of its soldiers were dead while claiming to have killed 200 Taliban and affiliated “terrorists”. Pakistan’s interior minister called the Afghan attacks “unprovoked firing”.
The Taliban government has accused Pakistan of carrying out Thursday’s bombings. Pakistan has neither confirmed nor denied the allegations.
Pakistan was accused of backing Taliban fighters during their rebellion against the United States-led occupation of Afghanistan and was one of only three countries that recognised the first Taliban government from 1996 to 2001.
But the rise of attacks inside Pakistan since the return of the Taliban to power in 2021 has strained their ties as Islamabad has accused the Taliban administration of providing safe haven to fighters from the Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), or Pakistan Taliban. Kabul has denied the allegations.
So what’s the latest on the fighting? What triggered the clashes? And is the situation expected to escalate further?
The Taliban attacks on Pakistan border areas began about 10pm (17:00 GMT) on Saturday, and the exchange of fire took place at multiple locations.
Pakistani officials and state-run radio noted that those locations included Angoor Adda, Bajaur, Kurram, Dir and Chitral – all in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province – and Bahram Chah in Balochistan.
Mujahid said Afghan forces killed 58 Pakistani soldiers, captured 25 army posts and wounded 30 soldiers in their attacks.
“The situation on all official borders and de facto lines of Afghanistan is under complete control, and illegal activities have been largely prevented,” Mujahid said at a news conference in Kabul.
Afghanistan’s TOLOnews channel reported on Sunday that the Ministry of Defence is deploying tanks and heavy weapons in several areas of Kunar province on the 2,640km (1,640-mile) border, also referred to as the colonial-era Durand Line.
The Pakistani military on Sunday condemned what it called “the cowardly action”, saying it was aimed at destabilising the border to facilitate terrorism”.
“Exercising the right of self-defence, the alert Armed Forces of Pakistan repelled the assault decisively,” Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), the military’s media wing, said in a statement.
“Last night’s episode vindicates Pakistan’s long-standing position that the Taliban government is actively facilitating the terrorists,” ISPR said. At least 29 soldiers were injured during the overnight skirmishes, it added.
The Pakistani military claimed multiple Taliban locations were destroyed along the border and “21 hostile positions on the Afghan side of the border were also briefly physically captured and multiple terrorist training camps used to plan and facilitate attacks against Pakistan were rendered inoperative.”
While the exchange of fire is mostly over, residents of Pakistan’s Kurram area reported intermittent gunfire.
On Thursday, Kabul was rocked by the sound of two explosions, and another took place in a civilian market in the border province of Paktika, the Taliban Defence Ministry said on Friday.
The Taliban government accused Pakistan of violating Afghanistan’s “sovereign territory”. Islamabad did not outright deny the blasts but asked the Taliban to curb the activities of the Pakistan Taliban.
A Pakistani security official told the Reuters news agency air strikes were carried out and their intended target in Kabul was the leader of the TTP, who was travelling in a vehicle.
Al Jazeera could not independently verify if the leader, Noor Wali Mehsud, had survived.
Pakistan and the Taliban, once allies over shared security interests, have grown increasingly hostile over Islamabad’s claim that the Taliban is giving refuge to the TTP, which is accused of carrying out years of attacks inside Pakistan.
At least 2,414 fatalities have been recorded in the first three quarters of this year, according to the Centre for Research and Security Studies (CRSS), an Islamabad-based think tank.
In its latest report issued last month, CRSS said that if the current trend continues, 2025 could be one of the deadliest years in Pakistan. Last year, at least 2,546 people were killed in attacks.
The attacks have risen since the ouster of former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan in April 2022. Khan’s government had involved the Taliban in efforts to get the TTP to agree to a ceasefire. Although the ceasefire unravelled during Khan’s tenure, the frequency of attacks remained lower.
Ties have deteriorated as Islamabad has increased its use of air strikes inside Afghanistan to target hideouts it says are used by TTP fighters.
Analysts said a recent surge in TTP attacks against Pakistani soldiers was the main trigger for the deadly clashes.
The TTP attacks, including suicide bombings, compelled Pakistan to strike in Afghanistan, said Mehmood Jan Babar, a
Peshawar-based political and security analyst.
“The message was to clearly show that if the Afghan Taliban won’t control the elements on their soil, Pakistan will strike inside the Afghan territory. The issue is that the TTP has enough support within the ranks of the Afghan Taliban, and that is also why the government often chooses to look the other way when the TTP carries out its activities inside Pakistan,” Babar said.
“If the Kabul government chooses to take some action, they fear there could be a big revolt in their internal ranks as not only TTP fighters but even the Afghan Taliban rank and file might end up joining hands, or worse, join the so-called Islamic State in Khorasan Province.”
Relations have also soured over Pakistan’s decision to deport tens of thousands of Afghan refugees. At least 3 million Afghan refugees had taken shelter in Pakistan after fleeing decades of conflict.
Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif condemned the Afghan attacks late on Saturday, adding that the country’s army “not only gave a befitting reply to Afghanistan’s provocations but also destroyed several of their posts, forcing them to retreat”.
Mohsin Naqvi, the interior minister, said the Afghan attacks were “unprovoked” and civilians were fired at. Strongly condemning the Taliban’s attacks, he said: “The firing by Afghan forces on civilian populations is a blatant violation of international laws.”
“Afghanistan is playing a game of fire and blood,” he said in a post on X.
Enayatullah Khowarazmi, spokesperson for Afghanistan’s Ministry of Defence, said its attacks on the Pakistan border posts were a retaliatory operation, adding that they concluded at midnight.
“If the opposing side again violates Afghanistan’s airspace, our armed forces are prepared to defend their airspace and will deliver a strong response,” Khowarazmi said.
The escalating tensions have prompted regional concern as they come amid rapidly changing security dynamics and relations in South Asia.
“Our position is that both sides must exercise restraint,” Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said during a live interview with state television, adding that “stability” between the two countries that border Iran “contributes to regional stability”.
Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs also urged “both sides to prioritise dialogue and diplomacy, exercise restraint, and work to contain the disputes in a way that helps reduce tension, avoids escalation, and contributes to regional peace and stability”.
Expressing concern, Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said: “The kingdom calls for restraint, avoiding escalation, and embracing dialogue and wisdom to contribute to reducing tensions and maintaining security and stability in the region.”
“The kingdom affirms its support for all regional and international efforts aimed at promoting peace and stability and its continued commitment to ensuring security, which will achieve stability and prosperity for the brotherly Pakistani and Afghan peoples,” it added.
India, which is currently hosting Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi on his first visit there, has yet to comment on the border clashes. Islamabad has viewed New Delhi’s engagement with the Taliban with suspicion.
Ibraheem Bahiss, a Kabul-based senior analyst for the International Crisis Group, said Muttaqi’s red-carpet welcome in India was “probably a factor in the ultimate decision by the Pakistan army to escalate in the major way that we saw”.
Security analysts and a former diplomat Al Jazeera spoke to suggested both sides would like to avoid escalating the matter.
Asif Durrani, a former Pakistani ambassador and special representative to Afghanistan, told Al Jazeera he believes “the chances of this clash [spilling over] to something bigger and more serious [are] minimal.”
“Afghanistan does not have any conventional military capacity when compared to Pakistan,” Durrani said, adding, “Guerrilla warfare is not the same as conventional warfare, which is a whole different beast and something where Pakistan is considerably ahead of Afghanistan.”
Bahiss said he believes that priority for both Islamabad and Kabul is to de-escalate. “Neither side wants major escalation on their frontiers as they are already grappling with several issues,” he told Al Jazeera.
“Pakistan is dealing with violence with attacks against security personnel, and it would lead to the compounding of this issue if the Afghan Taliban also started carrying out attacks, putting broader security under pressure, and that is something Pakistan would want to avoid.”
The Afghan retaliation, Bahiss said, was “to reassure their domestic audience, showing that they are in control of the situation and can avenge any strikes inside their territory”.
Babar says both sides need to engage through diplomacy. “It is the only way they can somehow find a way to resolve their differences. Pakistan’s deputy prime minister, Ishaq Dar, who is also the foreign minister, has met his Afghan counterpart multiple times this year, and they have both promised not to fight,” he told Al Jazeera.
“Both countries have a similar set of friends, particularly China and other Muslim nations. Saudi Arabia, in fact, has already issued a statement urging restraint from both sides and disengagement from battle. China and Russia too will not want this border to heat up and will want both to get back to the negotiation table, so I don’t think there will be any further escalation,” he said.
But Durrani said the TTP remains the central issue in the countries’ fraught relations.
“The Afghan government refuses to acknowledge their [the TTP’s] existence on their soil, and as long as that irritant remains present, the situation will remain tense,” he added.
Abid Hussain contributed reporting from Islamabad and Yashraj Sharma reported from New Delhi

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The late actor won an Oscar for leading a romantic comedy in the 1970s and set the blueprint for many of the women who followed her in the genre
An ethereally self-aware comedy genius: the loss of Diane Keaton is devastating
Diane Keaton’s style: she dodged the stamp of the machine
Plenty of great female actors have starred in romantic comedies. Usually if they want to win an Oscar, however, they have to reach for more serious roles. The late Diane Keaton, who died unexpectedly this week, followed a reverse trajectory and made it look disarmingly natural. Her first major film role was in The Godfather, about as serious an American masterpiece as has ever been made. But that same year, she reprised the part of Linda, the object of a nerdy hero’s affection, in a film adaptation of Broadway’s Play It Again, Sam. (Keaton originated the role opposite playwright Woody Allen on the stage.) She continued to alternate serious dramas with romantic comedies throughout the ’70s, and it was the latter that won her an Oscar for best actress, changing the genre permanently.
That Oscar was for Annie Hall, co-written and directed by Allen, with Keaton as the title character, one half of the movie’s fractured love story. Allen and Keaton had been in a romantic relationship before making the film, and remained close friends for the rest of her life; in interviews, Keaton had characterized Annie as an idealized version of herself, through Allen’s eyes. It would be easy, then, to assume Keaton’s performance involves doing what came naturally to her. But there’s too much range in Keaton’s work, both between her Godfather performance and her Allen comedies and within Annie Hall itself, to dismiss her facility with romantic comedy as simply turning on the charm – though she was, of course, tremendously charming.
Annie Hall famously served as Allen’s transition between more gag-based broad comedies and a more naturalistic style. As such, it has plenty of gags, fantasy sequences, and a freewheeling patchwork of a relationship memoir in between some stinging insights into a doomed romantic relationship. (The script even included a murder mystery, presumably repurposed to some degree in Allen and Keaton’s 1993 reunion, Manhattan Murder Mystery.) Keaton, similarly, presides over a transition in American rom-coms, playing neither the screwball-era speed-talker or the bombshell ditz popularized in the 1950s. Instead, she mixes and matches aspects of both to create something entirely new that still reads as oddly contemporary today, interrupting her own boldness with her own false-start hesitations.
Watch, for example, the scene where Annie and Alvy Singer (Allen) first connect after a tennis game, fumbling over ping-ponging invitations for a ride (despite the fact that only one of them has a car). The banter is fast, but zig-zags around unpredictably, with Keaton soloing around her own discomfort before winding up in a cul-de-sac of “la di da”, a phrase that encapsulates her nervous whimsy. The movie physicalizes that sensibility in the next scene, as she makes blasé small talk while driving recklessly through Manhattan streets. Later, she centers herself singing It Had to Be You in a nightclub.
These aren’t examples of Annie acting erratic. Throughout the movie, there’s a dimensionality to her light zaniness – her hippie-hangover willingness to try drugs, her panic over lobsters and spiders, her refusal to be manipulated by Alvy’s attempts to shape her into someone more superficially serious (which for him means death-obsessed). At first, Annie might seem like an odd character to win an Oscar; she’s the romantic lead in a movie seen from a man’s point of view, and the central couple’s arc doesn’t bend toward either changing enough accommodate the other. Yet Annie does change, in ways both observable and unknowable. She just doesn’t become a more suitable partner for Alvy. Plenty of later rom-coms stole the superficial stuff – neurotic hang-ups, quirky fashions – without quite emulating Annie’s ultimate independence.
Maybe Keaton was wary of that tendency. After her working relationship with Allen ended, she took a break from rom-coms; Baby Boom is really her only one from the entirety of the 1980s. But during her absence, Annie Hall, the character perhaps moreso than the loosely structured movie, became a model for the genre. Meg Ryan, for example, owes most of her rom-com career to Keaton’s ability to play smart and flibbertigibbet simultaneously. This made Keaton seem like a permanent rom-com queen even as she was actually playing more wives (whether happily, as in Father of the Bride, or less so, as in The First Wives Club) and/or moms (see The Family Stone or Because I Said So) than single gals falling in love. Even in her reunion with Allen, they’re a long-married couple brought closer together by comic amateur sleuthing – and she slips into that role easily, beautifully.
But Keaton did have another major rom-com hit in 2003 with Something’s Gotta Give, as a playwright in love with a younger-dating cad (Jack Nicholson, naturally). The result? Her final Oscar nomination, and a whole subgenre of romances where older women (usually played by movie stars, but still!) reassert their romantic and/or social agency. Part of the reason her death seems like such a shock is that Keaton was still making those movies as recently as last year, a constant multiplex presence. Now audiences will be pivoting from taking that presence for granted to realizing what an enormous influence she was on the romantic comedy as we know it. If it’s harder to think of present-day versions of Meg Ryan or Goldie Hawn who similarly follow in Keaton’s footsteps, that’s probably because it’s rare for a performer of Keaton’s skill to dedicate herself to a genre that’s mostly been streaming fodder for a while now.
Consider: there are 10 living female actors who received at least four best actress nominations, including Nicole Kidman, Jane Fonda and Ellen Burstyn. It’s rare for one of those roles to originate in a romantic comedy, let alone half of them, as was the case for Keaton. Because her persona became so familiar, it may have been easy to overlook just how much nuance and care Keaton brought to a genre better known for its star turns. She had the requisite star quality too, and depended on it plenty in movies like the Book Club series (where she lives the obvious dream of the Adam Sandler crew and literally plays a character called Diane). But she also played characters like Annie Hall, Erica in Something’s Gotta Give, and the more aloof Mary in Manhattan with a passion, at once comic and touching, missing from more plastic imitations of Annie or Nancy (Meyers, who only directed Keaton once, but through her writing became as associated with her later period as Allen was with her earlier stuff). Maybe she was able to carry that disappointment and disillusionment from the Godfather movies with her, subtly grounding her later roles. Or maybe comedy really is more complicated to play than drama. Regardless, it’s no wonder she was so associated with romance, despite a greater range. Keaton’s characters may have been deceptively difficult to pin down, but like her, they were easy to love.

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XRP Price Prediction: – XRP Hasn’t Bottomed Until Bitcoin Stabilizes – Buy the Dip  Cryptonews
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Living Israeli hostages due to be released on Monday, with nearly 2,000 Palestinian detainees to follow
Ceasefire live: aid trucks enter Gaza as Netanyahu says Israel is ready for ‘immediate’ release of hostages
Authorities in Israel and Gaza are preparing for the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners ahead of a Monday deadline for the swap stipulated in the ceasefire deal that could end the two-year war in Gaza.
Hamas is meant to release all living hostages from Gaza within 72 hours of the signing of the deal – a deadline that ends at noon local time (10am UK time). The militant group holds 48 hostages, 20 of whom are believed to be alive.
An international taskforce will work on finding the remains of hostages not released on Monday, with many believed to be buried under the rubble somewhere in the devastated Gaza Strip.
Israel will also release nearly 2,000 Palestinian detainees, the vast majority of whom will be sent to Gaza or exiled to neighbouring countries, though the timing of their release has not yet been specified.
The US president, Donald Trump, will visit Jerusalem on Monday to speak at the Knesset roughly at the same time as the hostage-detainee swap, as well as meeting families of the hostages.
Trump will then fly to Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt where he will co-chair a “peace summit” attended by the leaders of more than 20 countries aimed at finalising a permanent truce in Gaza.
Though the path ahead for the deal was murky, Trump said he expected a ceasefire would continue. “They’re all tired of the fighting,” he told reporters at the White House, adding that there was a “consensus” on the way forward.
The hostage-detainee swap is the first step in Trump’s 20-point plan to end the war in Gaza. A ceasefire has been in place since Friday afternoon, but most of the details of the Trump plan need to be negotiated before a lasting end to the war is established.
Palestinians are desperate to see the ceasefire extend into a permanent end to the war, after two years of an Israeli campaign that destroyed most of the strip, killed more than 67,000 Palestinians and wounded about 170,000. Israel stands accused of conducting genocide in Gaza by a UN commission of inquiry and several human rights bodies.
Israel denies the claim of genocide and says its conduct in the war, launched in retaliation for an attack by Hamas-led militants that killed about 1,200 people and took 251 hostage, constitutes self-defence.
In Israel, preparations were under way to receive the hostages, who will be taken to a military base to undergo an examination before being taken to hospitals, which have run drills to prepare for the releases, using actors in place of hostages to practise.
“We are very excited, waiting for our son and for all the 48 hostages,” Hagai Angrest, whose son Matan is among the 20 hostages still held in Gaza, told Reuters.
On Sunday night, tens of thousands of people cheered in ‘Hostages Square’ in Tel Aviv as the US Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, spoke, alongside Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner.
“I dreamed of this night. It’s been a long journey,” Witkoff said. The crowd yelled praise for Trump, but booed when Witkoff mentioned the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu.
Families in the occupied West Bank also prepared to receive loved ones who were being let out of Israeli jails. Israeli authorities instructed families not to be vocal in their celebrations and warned them to limit their interaction with the media.
Roughly 2,000 Palestinian detainees are due to be let out around the same time as the hostages are released. About 1,700 were detainees from Gaza, while 250 were longtime prisoners of Israel, among them Palestinian leaders. About half of the 250 are to be released to Gaza or exiled to neighbouring countries, while the other half will be released to the West Bank or East Jerusalem.
As preparations continued for the hostage swap, humanitarian groups geared up to send aid into Gaza.
Cogat, the Israeli military agency that oversees humanitarian aid in Gaza, said it expected about 600 trucks to enter the strip each day, starting on Sunday. This would restore aid to around prewar levels, after months of severely restricted aid into the strip.
The UN said about 170,000 metric tonnes of food, medicine and other humanitarian aid was ready to enter Gaza once Israel permits its entry. Tents, high-energy food for malnourished children and menstrual hygiene supplies were among the prioritised aid items.
The restoration of aid follows months of Israeli siege on Gaza, which resulted in famine in parts of the territory, according to the world’s leading authority on food crises. At least 459 people have died of hunger over the past two years and starvation has spread through the territory since May.
The restoration of regular aid is mandated by the Trump plan. The UN will once again coordinate supplies into Gaza after months of being barred by Israel from doing so.
The role of the private Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which was meant to replace the UN in aid distribution in Gaza, remained unclear. The foundation’s logistics sites in Gaza had stopped operating after the ceasefire deal started.
The GHF was widely seen as a failure, with its model of distribution marked by overcrowding and death. More than 1,000 people were shot to death by Israeli soldiers during the daily scramble to access food at the GHF sites, chaos which aid groups said was brought on the foundation’s militarised model of provision. The GHF consistently denied any wrongdoing.
The US will deploy up to 200 troops in Israel to help establish a taskforce to assist with stabilisation efforts in Gaza. No US troops will be deployed within Gaza, but will advise the taskforce, known as the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC), from within Israel.
The head of US Central Command, Adm Brad Cooper, met the Israeli military chief, Eyal Zamir, while travelling to Gaza alongside Witkoff and Kushner. Cooper said his visit was in service of the establishment of the CMCC.

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Written by
Ananda Banerjee
Edited by
Mohammad Shahid
The market crash triggered by renewed US–China tariff tensions sent most altcoins sharply lower. Yet Pi Coin (PI) held its ground better than expected. Despite losing nearly 23% over the past week (part of it happening during the crash), the Pi Coin price managed to stay above the $0.15 support, showing resilience at a time when most tokens broke lower.
Since October 7, Pi has steadily recovered and now trades close to $0.20, hinting that buyer confidence may be quietly returning. A closer look at both the chart and on-chain behavior suggests that Pi could be gearing up for a rebound, provided selling pressure keeps cooling off.
On the daily chart, the volume spread pattern—often studied in Wyckoff-style analysis—helps identify shifts in buying and selling strength.
During the tariff-driven crash, a red bar dominated the chart, signaling full control by Pi Coin sellers. But that bar has now turned yellow, meaning sellers remain active but with less intensity.
Want more token insights like this? Sign up for Editor Harsh Notariya’s Daily Crypto Newsletter here.
More importantly, the yellow bars have been shrinking. That shows selling momentum is fading, and buyers are gradually stepping in.
The last time this shrinking pattern appeared was in early August, when Pi Coin rallied nearly 40% in just four days. If this trend continues without another spike in red sell bars, PI could see a similar short-term rebound again.
The Chaikin Money Flow (CMF)—which measures how much large-scale or institutional money is entering or leaving an asset—adds to this positive setup.
Even though CMF briefly dipped below zero, it remains well above its October 7 low and far stronger than its late-August levels.
This means big traders are still quietly accumulating Pi Coin, even as smaller investors remain cautious (exhibited by still-yellow Wyckoff bars). Together, these signals reflect a cooling sell-off and slow return of buyer strength.
On the 12-hour chart, Pi Coin’s price has formed a bullish RSI divergence between September 23 and October 10. While the price made a lower low, the Relative Strength Index (RSI) made a higher low, showing that downward momentum is losing force.
While this kind of divergence is usually associated with trend reversals, considering PI’s weak price history, a rebound looks more likely.
(RSI measures momentum between 0 and 100, showing when an asset is overbought or oversold.)
At the time of writing, PI trades at $0.201, sitting near the 0.236 Fibonacci retracement level. A 12-hour candle close above $0.205 could confirm a breakout attempt toward the next resistance at $0.238 — a roughly 18% upside from the current price.
If that move holds, PI could stretch gains toward $0.264 (about 31% higher) and possibly $0.290 (around 44% above current levels).
However, a drop below $0.184 would invalidate this rebound setup and could push the Pi Coin price back toward even $0.153, depending on how the broader market reacts.
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Bitcoin failed to continue its rally and discover new all-time highs above $126,000, leading to a sharp correction that has unsettled the market. Investors are showing signs of fear as the recent drop invalidated the breakout momentum that many expected to extend the bull run, and the market might be on the verge of a bearish shift.
By Shayan
On the daily timeframe, BTC failed to continue beyond $126K and has fallen sharply to the $100K area, before rebounding quickly. The rejection from the ATH zone, combined with the breakdown below the 100-day moving average, signals a loss of bullish momentum.
The next major support sits around the $100K range, which also aligns with the trendline support and the 200-day moving average. The RSI near 41 suggests that while the market is cooling off, there’s still room for further downside if buyers don’t step in soon.

The 4-hour chart shows that BTC found temporary support around the $110K zone after the intense sell-off. This area previously served as an accumulation zone before the last leg up, making it a critical short-term level.
The RSI remains weak around 32, showing limited strength from buyers. Immediate resistance lies around $117K, where previous support flipped into resistance. A rejection from this zone could trigger another leg down, possibly toward the $105k region, which aligns with the lower boundary of the large ascending channel. A breakdown of this channel would likely end the bull market, and Bitcoin would enter a long-term downtrend alongside the whole crypto market.

The liquidation chart highlights a massive spike in long liquidations, the largest one ever, coinciding with Bitcoin’s failure to set a new high. This cascade has forced overleveraged traders out of the market and significantly reduced open interest.
Historically, such liquidation flushes often mark short-term bottoms, but given the fragile sentiment, investors remain hesitant to re-enter aggressively. The market’s fear-driven tone suggests that while a relief bounce is possible, confidence in the uptrend has clearly weakened. This could be the beginning of the end for this cycle’s bullish market, especially if the price closes below $100K.

Full-time on-chain Data Analyst and Python Programmer. Passionate about Bitcoin and DataVisualization.
Information found on CryptoPotato is those of writers quoted. It does not represent the opinions of CryptoPotato on whether to buy, sell, or hold any investments. You are advised to conduct your own research before making any investment decisions. Use provided information at your own risk. Full disclaimer

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Crypto just survived one of the hardest weeks in four years. U.S. tariffs on Chinese exports pushed Bitcoin all the way down to $100,600 before it recovered above $111,000.
More than $16 billion in liquidations hit derivatives, leaving traders unsure if the cycle was broken. Into this setup, Peter Brandt posted charts for four majors — and all of them came out bullish in his opinion.
XRP is at $2.46. Brandt said the recent pullback is "a minor reaction." The breakout from last year’s wedge is still valid, with $1.79 acting as support and $3.00-$3.50 standing as the next targets.
A few final posts for the weekend, then I will leave you youngsters with your dreams$XRP – just a minor reaction in bigger theme of things$BTC – bull still alive and well$XLM – a bull waking from a nap$ETH – ready to rock and roll
If I change my mind I won't let you know pic.twitter.com/rL1nVETYSn
Bitcoin closed the week at $112,011. His verdict: "Bull still alive and well." The line that matters runs through $109,000-$110,000. Above, the SMA at $113,897 and resistance between $123,000-$126,000 are the next points to watch.
Stellar (XLM) and Ethereum in focus
Stellar trades at $0.33. Brandt called it "a bull waking from a nap." The key level is $0.25 on the downside, while $0.60 remains the resistance wall that could open up a much bigger move.
Ethereum is at $3,813 and "ready to rock and roll," according to the trader. Support sits at $3,072, resistance up at $4,700-$4,800. A break above would clear the long consolidation that has capped ETH since 2021.
The wider market is still heavy after the tariff shock, but Brandt’s message is simple: The main structures on XRP, BTC, XLM and ETH are unbroken, and the bigger trade is still pointing up.
Select market data provided by ICE Data Services. Select reference data provided by FactSet. Copyright © 2025 FactSet Research Systems Inc.Copyright © 2025, American Bankers Association. CUSIP Database provided by FactSet Research Systems Inc. All rights reserved. SEC fillings and other documents provided by Quartr.© 2025 TradingView, Inc.

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Crypto’s $200 Billion Crash: Can Bitcoin Hope to Recover?  24/7 Wall St.
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Here’s Why 50% of Crypto Analysts Are Predicting Pi Coin Price to Collapse to $0 in 2026  Cryptopolitan
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